The searing torment that everyday folks are going through in
Nigeria right now is so dire, so unbearably extreme, and so unexampled in its
rawness that even diasporan Nigerians like me who live tens of thousands of
miles away from home can feel it not just vicariously but also experientially.
The unending streams of requests for help to meet the most basic
obligations of life that we get from previously proud, resourceful, and
self-sufficient family members, friends, acquaintances, and even strangers are
the conduits through which we have experiential encounters with the ongoing
cost-of-living turmoil in the country.
The lower classes are sinking deeper into soul-depressing depths of
poverty, despair, and hopelessness, and the middle class is so hobbled by the
economic crunch that it is disappearing faster than soap bubbles. The lower and
the middle classes are now united by a common sensation of emptiness, agony,
and anxiety for the future.
Every day is worse, less hopeful, and more
precarious than the previous day for most Nigerians. Even hope, which French
philosopher François de La Rochefoucauld assured us is the last thing that dies
in humans, is desperately going into a death spiral. That’s an ominous signal
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu would do well to not take lightly.
Nigeria is famous for its superabundant supply of
self-regenerating hope even in the midst of the most nerve-racking existential
strain. You know you’re dealing with a potentially explosive social rupture
when hope is grasping for breath among people who are famed for feasting on
hope.
The current state of affairs isn’t unavoidable.
It’s the predictable consequence of the pigheaded pursuit of a ruinous policy
of subsidy removal from petrol, the lifeblood of Nigeria. I sounded an early warning
about this a month before Tinubu was inaugurated.
In my April 29, 2023 column titled “Six Agenda Items for Tinubu’s
Success,” I specifically warned Tinubu to resist the neoliberal anti-subsidy
seduction of Western financial institutions, which they have successfully
brainwashed Nigerian economists and civil society members into not just
accepting but also aggressively evangelizing.
I wrote: “I know that there is now an artfully
manufactured consent, particularly among the gilded classes in Nigeria, about
the undesirability of ‘fuel subsidy.’ I don’t care what it’s called, but any
policy (call it deregulation, subsidy removal, appropriate pricing, etc.) that
results in an arbitrary and unbearable hike in the price of petrol without a
corresponding increase in the salaries of workers and an improvement in the
living conditions of everyday people will sink Tinubu.”
I concluded: “I can assure Tinubu that if petrol
price hikes deepen people’s misery, he’ll have a tough time governing.”
The dramatic spikes we have seen in abductions for
ransom all over the country are attributable to the rising tide of unheard-of
deprivation that the removal of petrol subsidies has activated. And that’s just
one auxiliary after-effect of the removal of petrol subsidies without a cushion
or an alternative.
Other after-effects are the total collapse of the
informal sector and what remained of Nigeria’s manufacturing sector. It also
instigated the unprecedentedly hyper-inflationary pressures that are being
exerted on the economy. Prices of basic goods and services and even of
medications for common illnesses are now beyond the reach of people. That’s an
unsustainable magnitude of agony.
But it was always obvious to anyone with even a
halfway functioning brain that removing petrol subsidies in a weak, oil-producing
economy that is organically petrol dependent, that has no well-developed public
transportation system, that has weak infrastructures, and that is the poverty
capital of the world would trigger infernal anguish on the vast majority of the
people and tank the economy to the ground.
These are not birth pangs. They are not the pains
before the gains. There is no light at the end of the tunnel. The tunnel is
condemned to unrelieved darkness. The blight Nigerians are contending with now
is the certain and inevitable result of a conscienceless implementation of
disconnected and irrelevant economic policies inspired from outside Nigeria.
I came of age during General Ibrahim Babangida’s
regime. IBB started the so-called structural adjustment programs (removal of
subsidies, devaluation of the naira, mass retrenchment, etc.), which
inaugurated Nigeria’s descent into the abyss. I heard the exact same things the
current government is spouting during IBB’s time: that it would get worse
before it got better, that after the birth pangs a big bouncing baby would be
born, that there was delayed gratification awaiting us if only we could be a
little more patient.
None of the promises materialized. Instead,
suffering was elevated to crushing heights. Advanced fee fraud (also called
419) blossomed. Corruption was fertilized. Brain drain to the West got wings.
This period also unleashed the naira’s irrecoverable slide into the deep hole
of worthlessness.
Decades after, the same SAP about which hundreds
of books and articles have been written and whose irreversible damage we
continually lament, has been artfully repackaged, disguised, deodorized, and
huckstered by a well-oiled gang of soulless apes who deployed all manner of
clever rhetorical trickery to coax Nigerians into consenting to their own
self-incineration.
The idea that petrol subsidies had to go because
they were riddled with corruption and that they consumed a disproportionate
share of our national budget is a mere propagandistic cop-out. If petrol
subsidy administration is rid of corruption (that is perpetrated in cahoots
with the government, which explains why no “subsidy thief” has ever been
apprehended much less brought to justice), it would consume no greater share of
our national budget than any governmental obligation.
It certainly won’t be anywhere near the colossal
venality that is perpetuated at the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs,
Disaster Management and Social Development under the guise of giving money to
the poor.
The truth is that we have no original, independent
thinkers among people who make or influence economic policies in Nigeria. They
are all hopelessly mindless parrots of ill-comprehended economic prescriptions
of the Bretton Woods institutions. They do not have the cognitive and intellectual
sophistication to transcend what I call derivative or regurgitative knowledge.
There is not a single example of a country in the
world that has developed on the basis of the prescriptions of the World Bank
and the IMF. On the contrary, the only countries that have achieved inclusive
growth and development outside the West are precisely the countries that have
bucked the World Bank and the IMF. And every country that uncritically adopts
the recommendations of these institutions has been wracked by utter devastation.
Unfortunately, if either Atiku Abubakar or Peter Obi were president today,
Nigeria would experience exactly what it is going through now. Like Tinubu,
Atiku and Obi said they would remove petrol subsidies “on day one.” When you
remove petrol subsidies “on day one” in a desperately poor, inordinately
petrol-supported economy with no public transportation, you get what Nigerians
are going through now. It’s not rocket science.
Similarly, both Atiku and Obi said they would float the naira and let
its fate be determined by the vagaries of demand and supply. When you do that
in an import-dependent economy, you can’t escape what the naira is going
through now.
Atiku tweeted in March 2021—and in several policy
documents—that “Nigeria must move towards a single exchange rate to be
determined by market forces.”
On April 9, 2022, Obi also tweeted: “The truth is
that for long market forces have not determined the exchange rate of the
Naira…. It has to end. Let the exchange rate be determined by the forces of
demand and supply. It’s that simple.”
In other words, Tinubu is doing exactly what Atiku
and Obi had proposed they would do, and the results would have been the same.
The hyperinflation and hurt Nigerians are going through now won’t have been evaded
because it is Atiku or Obi who removed petrol subsidies “from day one.” The
naira’s glide to the bottom wouldn’t have been avoided because Atiku or Obi
“floated” the naira.
That is why Atiku- or Obi-supporting critics of
Tinubu come across as ignorant partisans who have drunk the Kool-Aid of their
cult leaders. Atiku and Obi supporters should be grateful that their idols are
not president today. They would have been bearing the reputational brunt of the
boneheaded, discredited rightwing economic policies they also advocated, which
have thrown Nigeria into the current mess.
Interestingly, in response to Obi’s 2022 tweet
rhapsodizing over the imperative of subjecting the naira to the “forces of
demand and supply,” a supporter of his by the name of Abel (with the handle
@governance9ja) wrote a riposte, which has turned out to be prescient. He
wrote: “So @PeterObi will float the currency for a country where most factor
inputs into local manufacturing is imported? We already have cost push
inflation reducing real income of many Nigerians. Floating naira will ruin many
households. @PeterObi and @OfficialABAT are two of a kind.”
Obi supporters who have wet dreams of a Nirvana if
Obi were president should wake up. His economic policies are exactly like
Tinubu’s. Personalities aren’t the issue; policies are.
Tinubu and his team need to face the reality
confronting them and change course. I know that Nigeria has been so polluted by
neoliberal propaganda that even news that the government was paying subsidies
through the backdoor to stop petrol prices from getting to N1,000 per liter was
seized upon by the opposition to poohpooh the government, which compelled the
government to deny paying any subsidies.
I’ve never seen this level of self-crushing
inanity in my life. Assistance to the needy (which is what subsidy literally
means) is now a dirty word that everyone avoids like the plague.
But the government should know that even hope is
dying in Nigeria. When a usually hopeful nation spawns armies of hopeless and angry
people through thoughtless economic policies dictated by outsiders, it sows and
nurtures the seeds of its self-destruction.
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